Ethnic Europe

Galicians demonstrate over draft bill to reduce Galician medium and replace with English
The people of Galicia march in defence of their language
Zwei große Mythen prägen das spanische Galicien
Historic protest against the difficulties faced by the Galician language
“The Catalans already pay more”
Massive Catalan protest in Barcelona
Rich Flanders seeks more autonomy
Three police officers seriously wounded in Bastia protest
Street Protest!
Facebook protest fights to save virgin Spanish beach
8000 marchers unite in Scotland's biggest ever climate change protest
Split: Students, Thank You For Waking Up!
Protest against Vicenza US Military Base expansion resume
Friuli, the historical, spiritual, ecclesiastic and political legacy of Aquileia.

  
Ethnic Europe

Dr. Jožko Šavli
December 27, 2009

In general, language is a powerful indicator of ethnic and national identity of a people. Europe is a continent of many languages. Several of these indigenous languages characterize ethnic groups, which are part of larger titular nations, like the Frisians in the Netherlands for example. On the other hand, Switzerland's multilingual tradition is part of its national identity, thereby gradually creating a Swiss national consciousness. In this sense the people feel themselves a nation and almost an ethnic community.
During the nationalistic period of the 19th/20th century, great national movements tried to establish political and territorial empires. At the same time, it was the responsibility of great nations to recognize that language and identity are closely intertwined, and that language is the most direct expression of culture. For example: Great Russia, Great Germany, Great Italy, Great Serbia (Yugoslavia) and similar should have respected language diversity and the right to self-identification of ethnicity and State.

It was evident, that in such a State linguistic minorities were indirectly exposed to suppression and were denied their own language. They were not considered of equal rights, they were only tolerated. Such is the case of France, which still insists on the political idea of a "great nation", which originates from the French revolution. There, French and only French is officially recognized.
  
Zwei große Mythen prägen das spanische Galicien

Megalithkultur: Die Skulpturengruppe "Menhires por la paz" in A Coruña
(Foto: picture-alliance / Lou Aversm)

Heiliges Jahr in Santiago de Compostela
(http://www.morgenpost.de/reise/article1354349/Heiliges-Jahr-in-Santiago-de-Compostela.html)

14. Oktober 2010  - Von Hans Schloemer, Berliner Morgenpost

Galicien im Nordwesten Spaniens zieht nicht nur jedes Jahr Millionen Pilger an, die Provinz gilt auch als mystischer Ort der Kelten.

Pulpo, immer wieder Pulpo. Gekocht, gegrillt, mit Bratkartoffeln und Paprikapulver. Ein ebenso deftiges wie köstliches Vergnügen. Kaum ein Restaurant in Galicien, das die Krakenarme nicht auf der Karte hat. Aber mag man da überhaupt noch im Meer baden gehen? An den wildromantischen Stränden von Spaniens nordwestlicher Provinz muss es geradezu wimmeln von Tintenfischen. Wenn die sich mal nur nicht an harmlosen Schwimmern rächen ...

Der Name Todesküste, Costa da Morte, rührt allerdings nicht von angriffslustigen Meeresungeheuern. Er bezieht sich vielmehr auf die Schiffsunglücke, die an der stürmischen Küste Galiciens viele Todesopfer gefordert haben. Schon vor Tausenden von Jahren lokalisierten die Menschen hier das Ende der Welt, an dem die Seelen der Verstorbenen ihren Weg zu den Sternen antraten. Heute freut man sich eher über die Vielzahl versteckter Traumstrände, an denen man auch im Herbst noch baden kann. Und doch: Der merkwürdig geformte Stein, neben dem man gerade sein Handtuch ausgebreitet hat, könnte einst ein Kultplatz gewesen sein. Um Genaueres zu erfahren, müsste man im nächsten Dorf bloß die örtliche Hexe fragen.

Hexe? Aber ja. Zwei große Mythen prägen die Provinz, deren Wappen der Heilige Gral ziert. Zum einen die Legende vom heiligen Jakobus, bereits vor Jahrhunderten genial vermarktet als Christenschützer und Maurentöter und heute wiederentdeckt als idealer Werbeträger für den Tourismus. Santiago de Compostela, die Hauptstadt Galiciens, ist neben Rom das wichtigste katholische Zentrum Europas und eine der größten Einnahmenquellen der Region. 4,5 Millionen Besucher reisen jährlich zur "Heiligen Stadt", zum Grab des Apostels Jakobus.

Der zweite Mythos Galiciens sind die Kelten. Es sind uralte Riten, die sich in die Neuzeit gerettet und mit christlichen Bräuchen vermischt haben. Den Steinen und dem Meer werden übernatürliche Kräfte zugeschrieben. Der Toten- und Ahnenkult spielt eine große Rolle. Auch viele junge Menschen glauben an Seelenwanderung, an übernatürliche Heilkräfte und an "Meigas", die Hexen. Eine Meiga ist eine Nachfahrin der Druiden, mithin eine gute Hexe. In den Dörfern sind die weisen Frauen eine beliebte Anlaufstelle für Hilfesuchende in allen Problemlagen des Lebens, eine Konkurrenz, die von der katholischen Seelsorge stillschweigend geduldet wird.

"Galicien ist ein Land, das schon im Alltag genügend Motive findet, um eine Parallelwelt aus Tradition und Fantasie zu schaffen", schreibt der einheimische Autor Pemón Bouzas. Wer halbwegs fit ist, sollte Galicien zu Fuß erkunden. Auf bestens ausgebauten Wanderwegen, dem heiligen Jakobus sei Dank. Von Portugal aus führt der Camino Portugués nach Santiago de Compostela. Dieser Jakobsweg ist nicht so überlaufen wie der "heilige Highway", die von Tausenden genutzte klassische französische Route von den Pyrenäen durch Navarra und Asturien. Auf den galicischen Wegen begegnet man manchmal stundenlang keinem Menschen. Dafür Natur satt. Üppiges Grün, heitere Blumenwiesen, duftende Pinien, feierlich anmutende Eichenwälder. Und keine Sorge vor Orientierungsproblemen. Gelbe Pfeile, Kilometerangaben und Muschelzeichen weisen dem Wanderer lückenlos den Weg.

Jede Stadt hat ihre eigene Spezialität

Verhungern dürfte man auch nicht. Mittags kosten einfache Menüs zwischen acht und zehn Euro, drei Gänge inklusive einer Flasche Wein. Vorweg vielleicht eine "Caldo", eine kräftige Suppe aus weißen Bohnen, Kartoffeln und Schinken. Oder "Pimientos de Padrón", sanft-pikante, in Öl gebratene Mini-Paprikaschoten. Und dann Kaninchen, ein Entrecote oder Pulpo, natürlich. Je näher man den Rias kommt, den großen Buchten, desto öfter stehen Muscheln, Austern, Krebse und Seespinnen auf der Speisekarte. 95 Prozent des Fisch- und Meeresfrüchtefanges Spaniens stammen aus Galicien. Dabei hat jede Stadt ihre Spezialität. In Pontevedra sind es die Miesmuscheln, in Corme die Entenmuscheln, in Vigo die Austern und in Santiago die Vieiras, Jakobsmuscheln mit Knoblauch, Zimt und Semmelbröseln.

Zum Meeresgetier passen die weißen Ribeiro-Weine. Sie sind nicht zu schwer, hübsch trocken mit einer nur leicht fruchtigen Note. Internationale Anerkennung genießt der strohgelb bis grünlich schillernde Albariño aus der Region Pontevedra, der allerdings auch schon seinen Preis hat.

Als "Hauptstadt der Langusten" gilt A Guarda, das den Grenzfluss Miño zu Portugal überwacht. Das Hafenstädtchen mit seinen farbenfrohen Fischerhäusern ist ein guter Einstieg nach Galicien. Man sollte die Mühe nicht scheuen und den Fußweg zum angrenzenden Berg Santa Tegra nehmen. Von dort oben hat man nicht nur eine atemberaubende Aussicht auf Atlantik, Fluss und Land. An den Berg schmiegt sich auch eine der imposantesten Keltensiedlungen Europas, Hunderte Rundhäuser aus dem 7. Jahrhundert vor Christus.

Der nächste sehenswerte Ort ist Tui mit seiner ehrwürdigen Kathedrale. Der Parador, der den besten Blick auf das Hügelstädtchen bietet, ist ein gutes Beispiel dafür, dass Wanderer in Galicien nicht unbedingt spartanisch nächtigen müssen. Wer schon einmal in einer offiziellen Pilgerherberge übernachtet hat und dem Erstickungstod durch muffelnde Wandersocken nur knapp entgangen ist, wird wissen, wovon die Rede ist. Die Paradores sind Hotels in historischen Gemäuern, ehemaligen Klöstern, Herrenhäusern, Burgen und Schlössern.

Ein besonders beeindruckendes Exemplar steht in Baiona, wo die Kolumbus-Galeone "Pinta" zum ersten Mal wieder auf europäisches Festland traf. Normannen und Türken versuchten, die Hafenstadt zu plündern. Die Angreifer scheiterten jedoch beim Versuch, die Festung Castelo de Montereal einzunehmen, von dessen Verteidigungsanlage noch kilometerlange Wehrmauern und der Palast des Statthalters erhalten sind. Der wurde zum Conde de Gondemar ausgebaut, einem Parador von gewaltiger Größe und Unübersichtlichkeit. Wer auf Anhieb die Rezeption wiederfindet, müsste eigentlich einen Kolumbus-Orden bekommen. Mondän, mit großzügigen, hellen Zimmern, Spa und herrlichen Bademöglichkeiten, präsentiert sich das Hotel "Balneario" in Mondariz.

In Padron, einen Katzensprung vom quirligen Santiago de Compostela entfernt, liegt das Pazo de Lestrove, ein ehemaliger Bischofssitz. Hier ist es still und friedlich, die Zimmer sind in wunderschönen warmen Farbtönen gehalten; und wenn in der mittelalterlichen Küche serviert wird, sollte man dort ganz ungeniert dem himmlischen Pulpo zusprechen.

Die Reise wurde unterstützt von TUI.
***
  
European Bureau for Lesser-Used Languages

Galicians demonstrate over draft bill to reduce Galician medium and replace with English
February 2010

60,000 people, according to the organizers Queremos Galego, 30,000 according to the police, marched through the Galician capital Santiago de Compostela on January 21st to protest against a proposed bill that will reduce the amount of Galician provision from 50% to 33 % - introducing English in its place.

The demo was supported by close to 90% of teachers and students.

The Galician Academy and the Culture Council, the two most important bodies that promote Galician language and culture, as well as political parties, language NGOs, trade unions, parents' associations and other groups, have already rejected the draft bill which aims to delegate to parents the responsibility of choosing by ballot the language of some subjects.

The bill was introduced by the conservative Galician Government on 30th of December and aims to reduce the percentage of subjects taught through the medium of Galician from at least 50%  to 33%

Promoting English at the expense of Galician and calling it ‘plurilingualism’
The leader of the Galician autonomous government, Alberto Núñez Feijoo (PP), defended the Decreto do Plurilingüismo  (Plurilingualism Decree) because “it brings English into public education,” setting out that one third of  subjects will be taught in English with the remaining third taught in Castilian.

However, philologists, linguists and teachers consider that it is “not possible” to establish this trilingual model because of a lack of teachers qualified to teach in English. Campaigners point out that in practice the English 33% will simply switch to Castilian medium. Experts claim that it is bad practice to bring English into the education process alongside the two co-official languages (Galician and Castilian), and that the move will severely undermine the success that the Galician language model has had to date.

The Partido Popular strongly disapproved of the law passed in 2007 by the previous coalition government (PSOE – BNG) because they considered that the Galician language was “imposed” on children, and that the right to choose which language Galician children are taught in was undermined.

According to the Galician Statistics Institute (IGE), more than 96% of Galician people understand Galician, with around the same for Castilian, but with the number of Galician speakers falling sharply over the last two decades. (Fernando Arrizado Abuin, EBLUL – Eurolang 2010)
  
Santiago de Compostela
The people of Galicia march in defence of their language
October 19, 2009

Some 50,000 turned out to protest the Regional President's plan to overturn a decree on bilingual teaching

Thousands marched through the streets of Santiago de Compostela on Sunday in defence of the Galician language and against the regional government’s linguistic policy. The protest was called by the platform ‘Queremos Galego’ – ‘We want Galego’, and amongst those who marched to show their support was Spain’s Justice Minister, Francisco Caamaño, who is from a village in A Coruña.

His presence there was criticised by the Galicia Partido Popular.

The protestors’ main concern is the electoral promise from the Partido Popular President of the Xunta de Galicia, Alberto Núñez Feijóo, to overturn the decree in place on the use of the Galician language. The decree stipulates that at least half the teaching in the region’s schools must be in galego. - Local police estimate numbers at the protest as some 50,000 people.

Flag of Galicia

The region of Galicia, nort-western Spain   
Historic protest against the difficulties faced by the Galician language
19/05/2008

Thousands took to the streets of Santiago de Compostela yesterday demanding respect for their 'right to live in Galician' · Galicia’s language is under pressure because it is underused in education and justice and because of attacks by pro-Spanish language organizations.

On Sunday the capital of Galicia hosted one of the largest Galician-language demonstrations in recent history. A Mesa pola Normalización Lingüística, which organized the event, estimates that approximately 25,000 took part in the protest against the obstacles currently preventing Galician from becoming a fully official language. A number of cases of linguistic discrimination, particularly in the public sector and the judiciary, were highlighted during the concluding speech.
Protest chants against the organization Galicia Bilingüe (Bilingual Galicia) could be heard during the demonstration. Organizations such as Galicia Bilingüe have recently been putting more pressure on the Galician language, claiming that Spanish is being persecuted in Galicia and that people should be able to choose their language.
A Mesa spokesman, Carlos Callón, said that the current situation of the Galician language was “critical”. Speaking about education, Callón pointed out that, although progress had been made at primary level with the Galician-language schools, or Galescolas, universities and non-compulsory education do not meet the requirements of current language legislation.
A week of protests

Other pro-Galician events have also taken place this week. Galician Literature Day, held on 17 May each year, pays tribute to outstanding figures of Galician culture and literature. This year the achievements of Xosé María Álvarez Blázquez, a member of the Real Academia Galega (Royal Galician Academy) and an editor and author of poetry, short stories and essays, were recognized.
Last Friday saw the final leg of the Correlingua, an event similar to the Basque Korrika, the Breton Redadeg and the Catalan Correllengua. The Correlingua is a week-long race across Galicia that passes through the major towns and raises awareness for the Galician language.
  
“The Catalans already pay more”

Jordi Pujol
Editorial / February 15, 2011

For the last few weeks we have given over our editorials to the burning issues related to the Catalan autonomous government – which includes the relationship between Catalonia and Spain – and the changes of course in the economic and social sphere in both the State and Europe.

We would have liked to leave these aside for a few weeks, but it’s not possible. Above all because the issue of Spanish-Catalan relations continues to give rise to events that need to be addressed. Since yet again they are having a bearing on the core issue of this relationship, as much in the economic and social field as in ethics. In fact, they pose the question as to whether this relationship may or may not be only the result of imposition.

The latest negative incident to have taken place is economic in nature. Apparently. In other words, economics have been the predominant problem of late, yet in truth it is not just economics. It’s also a political problem, and even a conceptual problem of Spain itself, which is the crux of the problem.

In this bulletin there is no need to focus on the concrete issue of the economic relationship between Spain and Catalonia. We need merely re-publish – as we have done – the article that appeared in last Sunday’s La Vanguardia, by Jordi Barbeta, entitled “The Catalans already pay more”. It is rare for this bulletin to reproduce a newspaper article. Only once did we devote an entire editorial to a newspaper article. On that occasion it was the editorial “The dignity of Catalonia”, which discussed the questions of the Statute for Autonomy and the Constitutional Court and was published by all the Catalan dailies in November 2009.

So what we are doing today is something exceptional. The reason for this is because this Jordi Barbeta’s article explains like no other the scale and effects of the deficit and deep social impact on Catalonia. And it does this better than any other because it is not just well-documented, but also much clearer and easier to read than any technical study. It’s an article to cut out and show to whoever seeks to brand us self-proclaimed victims or unsolidary. What is open to criticism is the ever increasing reluctance by ever more Catalans towards Spain.

And an attitude of distrust or rejection based as much on economic or language or political arguments as on ethical grounds.
   _____________________

“Solidarity must be practised only with third-party assets”

Catalonia made a clear and determined commitment to interregional solidarity within the Spanish State. Aware of her role as a net contributor. It is noteworthy that this applied to the political and institutional area, although the focus was on economics. It was undertaken in the name, I repeat, of general economic and social progress and, as a key political and moral driving force, in the name of solidarity.

But now, when we see that Catalonia and the people who live and work in Catalonia – yes, those who live and work in Catalonia – can longer sustain Spanish policy as it is now being implemented, and we see that solidarity is being applied ever less fairly. We are told that “Solidarity must be practised only with third-party assets”. This cynical response comes from the lips of leading Spanish political and institutional figures. Such remarks shake the ethical foundations of the system. And the relations between Catalonia and Spain.

When the fairness and sustainability of the current relationship between Catalonia and Spain are placed in question, no one should become indignant without first analysing the process “of asphyxiation foretold” of which Trias Fargas spoke. And which is having a far greater effect than he had himself foresaw. And given the radicalisation and generalisation of this process, it is either forms part of a plan or is the result of an extremely widespread and systematic campaign to distort the reality and image of Catalonia. Or, probably, both things at once.
Because political parties, many State institutions, the mass media and public opinion are involved in it. Even the Government itself, which has failed to fulfil its commitments to Catalonia and which has increased the State deficit while acting with duplicity towards the Autonomies. It’s a government that at times conducts itself with an insensitive and offensive tone. Only a few days ago Minister Salgado exemplified this offhandedness saying that if the Catalans need money, they should raise taxes. This comes straight from the Ministry of the Economy, which is to blame for the failure to comply with the economic agreements set out in the Catalan Statute for Autonomy.

Catalonia will not be able to hold on if Madrid continues to impose a fiscal deficit of at least 9% of the GDP. Which is higher if we take into account the contributions, such as subsides for semi-private schools, health insurance or tolls, etc. All of them much higher than in the rest of the State.

Luckily the mood in Catalonia has developed in two positive ways. First, we are aware of the situation and of the fact that we cannot expect any change. And that we can only move forward with our own resolve and effort. The general acceptance, as much in the economic and political fields as in that of the country’s identity, is positive. And second, because we have many assets in a number of areas, including the economic – despite the crisis – as well as in culture, research and social initiatives. There is a will to resist and also to create and take initiative. And we have recovered seriousness. We have said many times in these editorials that with what we have and with seriousness, which we are now recovering, we can make headway.

In other words, it is neither good nor bad that more people aspire to independence or feel more disaffection, As President Montilla said. Certainly there has been an increase in the two cases. But what is positive is that many people, many more than before, have come to realise that we can expect no understanding or justice from the Spanish State. However, despite everything, we can make a recovery. If the people react, if the Government acts effectively and honestly – namely, by explaining the reality of the situation – and if we mobilise all our intellectual, economic and moral resources. Relying on ourselves. This we have done on other occasions.
  
Massive Catalan protest in Barcelona

CALLING FOR CHANGE: People take to the streets with a banner reading "independence" during a protest for greater autonomy for Catalonia within Spain in central Barcelona.

11/07/2010

More than a million people gathered in northeastern Barcelona to demand greater regional autonomy for Catalonia and protest a recent court ruling forbidding this prosperous region from calling itself a nation.

City government spokesman Manuel Campillo said police had counted 1.1 million people at a vast rally that filled Barcelona's major Gran Via, Diagonal and Paseo de Gracia boulevards. Rally organizers, Omnium Cultural, calculated attendance at 1.5 million, spokesman Daniel Jove said.

Spain's courts recently granted sweeping new powers of self-rule to the region, but on Friday its highest court ruled that the country's Constitution recognized Spain as the country's only nation, dealing a blow to efforts by Catalonia to assume that status.

The verdict came after four years of debate in which conservative and liberal judges locked horns over whether the charter went beyond the limits of Spain's system of granting varying degrees of self-rule to its 17 regions.

Catalans have their own language and are proud of a history which, until 1714, linked them to the independent Kingdom of Aragon.

During the dictatorship of Gen. Francisco Franco (1939-1975) Catalans were forbidden from speaking their language and it was illegal to publish books in Catalan.

Jove said about 1,400 Catalan organisations, including political parties, trade unions as well as cultural and business associations, had called on members to gather.

Sunny, hot weather enticed many people to attend the rally. Television news reports showed a multitudinous crowd waving Catalan nationalist flags, chanting and carrying banners saying "We are a Nation."
  

Rich Flanders seeks more autonomy

Belgian politicians are struggling to end a crisis that has paralysed the government for 15 months. At the heart of the stalemate are the rival aspirations of Dutch and French-speakers. In the first of a series of articles on divided Belgium, Henri Astier profiles Flanders.

Beautiful Antwerp exudes the prosperity and confidence of Flanders

Speed cameras - hardly popular anywhere - are a source of particular irritation in Flanders.

More than 1,000 have been installed across the Dutch-speaking northern part of Belgium, while Wallonia, the French-speaking southern half, has only a handful.

Yet revenue from fines is collected centrally and redistributed. Many Flemish motorists not only resent being caught speeding, but feel they are subsidising freewheeling Walloons in the process.

The speed cameras provide a neat snapshot of Flemish grievances.

"The hard-working north is supporting the south, just like in Italy," says Pascal Francois, 42, an architect from the town of Aalst.

Flanders indeed has wealth, a hard-working population, and beautiful, world-famous cities - like Bruges, Ghent and Antwerp.

Many there are asking why their taxes should prop up what they regard as a lagging, mismanaged region.

"Walloons should be responsible for what they do," says Roger Vandervoorde, 65, a retired sales director, sipping a drink in front of Ghent's picture-perfect cathedral.

"The best would be a confederation, with each part responsible for itself and only a few small matters handled federally."

•   Federal government: foreign affairs, defence, justice, health, welfare
•   Language-based communities: education, culture
•   Regional governments: economic policy, labour, housing, environment, energy, transport

Deadlock

Such reform is precisely what the Belgian government, dominated by Flemish conservatives, has in mind.

But the Walloons are digging in their heels. They regard confederation as secession in all but name, and insist on keeping tax and welfare policies at federal level.

As a result Belgium has not had an effective government since the June 2007 elections.

Pressure in Flanders for more devolution is coming from both ordinary voters and business leaders.

Luc De Bruyckere, chairman of the Ghent-based food group Ter Beke and vice-president of FEB, Belgium's main employers' federation, says a more regional approach to economic policy is urgently needed.

He points out that Flanders has a very tight labour market, while Wallonia is suffering from 17% unemployment.

"We have to organise ourselves in such a way that the different problems can be answered," Mr De Bruykere says.

"One size fits all is not a solution."

Remi Vermeiren, a former chairman of the banking giant KBC, contends that Flemish people "believe more in a market economy" than Walloons, and argues for outright independence for Flanders.

But resurgent Flemish pride is based on much deeper forces than just material wealth.

The cultural divide between Europe's Germanic north and Latin south has run through the middle of Belgium since the Roman Empire.

"We are a very dual country with two areas that differ in many, many ways," Mr Vermeiren says.

Language problem

The sense of Flemish identity is all the more acute as it was suppressed by the French-speaking elites that ran Belgium after the 1830 revolution.

The constitution was written in French. A Dutch version, written a century later, was not given equal legal force until 1967.

As the Dutch-speaking majority demanded recognition, it was mainly pressing claims against the Belgian state.

From the 1960s - with the south's old mining and steel industries in terminal decline and the north powering ahead - a series of constitutional reforms gradually devolved more powers to the regions.

But for all its economic dominance and political assertiveness, the Flemish still feels culturally on the back foot - and this contributes to their prickliness.

Wallonia may be poorer, but it is part of the 200m-strong francophone community.

The Flemish are not standing on the shoulders of a friendly giant next door - and can be irked by Walloon cultural self-assurance.

Language is a particular sore point. Like their Dutch brethren, the Flemish are taught from an early age the need to learn foreign languages. Walloons are not.

"If we take part in a meeting with, say, eight Dutch-speakers and two French-speakers - we often all end up speaking French so everyone can understand," says Naima Charkaoui of Minderhedenforum, a Brussels-based umbrella group for immigrant associations.

Suburban fears

Flemish defensiveness is at its sharpest near Brussels. The capital, which used to have a Dutch-speaking majority until the early 20th Century, is now overwhelmingly francophone.

Its population is spreading outward in search of greenery and cheaper homes - a move that many in the Flemish suburbs find threatening.

Liederkerke, a traditionally working-class town 15 miles (25km) west of Brussels, is one of many suburbs that have seen an influx of both rich expatriates and African immigrants.

In Liederkerke, the Flemish are at home, and respectful guests are welcome

"That cocktail is leading to Liederkerke being more French and that is growing fast," says town councillor Johan Daelman, who worries about the "invasion" faced by the city.

The number of families without a Dutch-speaking parent has doubled in the past four years, to reach almost a quarter of the 13,000-strong population.

The town clearly feels the need to remind newcomers where they are.

One sign, featuring a nationalist version of the Flemish lion, proclaims: "Liedekerke, where the Flemish are at home."

Another signs reads: "Welcome to our Flemish commune." From Mr Daelman, the message is: "You can come, but don't bring big-city problems and respect local people."

Mr Daelman belongs to the right-wing Vlaams Belang (Flemish Interest) party, which seeks a separate Flemish Republic.

"Belgium will not stay united," he predicts. "You don't have a Belgian language or a Belgian nation. You only have Flemish and Walloon people - plus a few Germans."

Allegiance

Vlaams Belang, widely regarded as xenophobic, is shunned by mainstream parties and in opposition everywhere, including the Liedekerke municipality.

Despite - or perhaps because of - its pariah status, the party has achieved considerable success in recent years by attracting protest votes.

It is the largest single party in the Flemish parliament.

However a wide majority in Flanders reject Flemish separatism. Most people just want more autonomy within the Belgian state.

"The problem with parties like Vlaams Belang is that they make our job a lot more difficult," says Sam Custers, director of a Flemish cultural centre in Kraainem, another suburb of Brussels.

"They create a negative image of Flanders. Our message is: we're open to everyone."

Flemish pride rarely takes a virulent form. French-speakers visiting Flanders are not in hostile territory. The worst risk they might take is not being served until they make a token attempt to speak Dutch.

But even the least nationalist among the Flemish know where their main allegiance lies.

"I am Flemish first, Belgian second," says Pascal Francois of Aalst.
  
Bastia (Corsica)
Three police officers seriously wounded in Bastia protest
April 5, 2009

A demonstration denouncing police brutality turned sour on the French island of Corsica, when at least three policemen were seriously wounded, including one by a petrol bomb.

AFP - At least three French police officers were seriously wounded Saturday during a demonstration in the Corsican port of Bastia, the island's security services said.

Seven others were lightly hurt as violence broke out at a protest which gathered 1,500 people according to the police.

One of the three worst hurt, a riot police officer, was hit by a petrol bomb and has serious leg wounds. The two others were hit in the face by an object thrown from the crowd and suffered other injuries to their heads from firebombs and missiles.

There were no arrests at the rally -- which organisers said drew 15,000 people -- and no reports of injured protesters, but scuffles with small groups of agitators were ongoing at 1730 GMT around the city hall and on the waterfront.

The rally was called following accusations of police brutality on Monday during a demonstration against a Paris appeal court's decision to jail a shepherd convicted of murdering the Mediterranean island's top French official for at least 22 years.

Yvan Colonna, 48, was convicted of gunning down Claude Erignac in 1998 on the prefect's way to a concert in Ajaccio.

A school student was seriously hurt in the face during Monday's protest.

Corsican security official Gilles Leclair condemned what he called an "urban guerrilla" and Corsican "nationalists' disinformation campaign" about the circumstances in which the student was hurt.

"Some youths got all excited but we don't know the exact circumstances in which the student was injured," he said.

Corsican flag

Gov't wants to outlaw balaclavas during protests

After recent violent acts of vandalism that rocked protests in Bastia and Strasbourg, French Interior Minister Michele Alliot Marie has announced her intention to crack down on “those who hide their faces beneath masks and balacalavas”.

Recent clashes in Strasbourg during the Nato summit and again in the Corsican city of Bastia… For French Interior Minister Michele Alliot-Marie, enough is enough. It is high time to do something against violent protestors who face off against police and damage property. Her solution: to forbid protestors from wearing masks, hoodies and balaclavas during rallies.

“I’ve established that, within the crowds of protestors, there are a certain number of people who haven’t come to defend their ideas at all, but to wreak havoc while hidden in the crowd under their balaclavas,” she declared at Wednesday’s council of ministers.

Alliot Marie asked her team to come up with quick measures against this kind of incident, resulting in a new bill which may be introduced in the Lopsi,  France’s main reference law concerning domestic security.

Members of the ruling UMP party have started to tackle the issue. MP and UMP member Didier Julia proposed a bill aiming to outlaw “the wearing of balaclavas or any other means to mask one’s face during public protests and gatherings".

The bill is directly inspired by an existing German law, in force since 1985, that forbids all people from taking part in a protest “in any kind of dress that conceal’s one’s identity, or gives the possibility of concealing it”. Those who break this law risk a fine at best, and at worse, a prison sentence.

Diffiult to enforce

The German police has not assessed the effectiveness of the law, but for Oliver Tolle, head of Berlin’s police forces, it makes a real difference: “Thanks to the ban on balaclavas, we can identify and arrest people who are preparing acts of violence more easily” he claims.

In reality, the law remains difficult to enforce. And it didn’t stop protests against the G8 summit in Rostock (in the north of Germany) from turning violent. Youths wearing masks violently clashed with police forces in a cloud of tear gas and smoke.

In Greece, where weeks of violent riots broke out after the police killing of a teenager, the government has also announced its intention to outlaw the wearing of balaclavas during protests. “We have planned certain measures to guarantee civil peace, notably by ruling that wearing a balaclava when committing an offence will bring a harsher sentence,” declared Greek Justice Minister Nicos Dendias on February 17.
  
Protest in Palermo
Street Protest!
Sicilian Independence Movement, and Movement for Autonomies do not exist yet.

You're spending a tranquil Friday morning sightseeing in historic Palermo or Catania when, as if out of the blue, a police patrol begins blocking the busy street. You wonder what is going on. Could it be a roadblock meant to apprehend a fleeing criminal? Listening, you hear distant noise that seems to be getting nearer. A few minutes pass, traffic detouring around the impromptu barricade, and the noise is less faint as it gets nearer. You begin to wonder if a riot is in progress, and if you should be worried. Then, around a corner bursts a chaotic, unkempt mob. Whistles are blowing, loud music is playing, indecipherable phrases are being shouted and plenty of banners and red flags are in evidence. You happen to witness the most frequent of populist Sicilian urban phenomena: the street protest!

Who are these people? They may be disgruntled workers, people seeking work, or students who'd prefer not to work today. So that a weekend (not working) can be extended, protests and strikes are almost invariably planned for Friday or Monday. Not to worry, however, as the "revolution" usually breaks for lunch or dinner.

In the meantime buses stop circulating around most of the city, shops cease to accomodate customers and pedestrians are invited to participate. The provincial prefect and police are only too happy to accomodate the protesters.

How did we arrive at this point? When did strikes and disorder become the order of the day in Italy?

The young people (recent student protests against education ministry reforms are shown on this page) imitate their elders, who take every opportunity to close down a city or even the entire country. The student equivalent of a strike is a sit-in ("occupazione" or "permanent assembly") several classrooms or lecture halls of a high school or university, closing down an entire institution. The police, on orders of their superiors, simply stand by and watch; the government authorities are reluctant to act for fears of accusations of brutality or "fascism." The situation makes Italy a laughing stock.

Sicilian Flag


Where adults are concerned, protests are only part of the mix because actual labour strikes are usually involved (Alitalia and the rail service are infamous for this). In late 2007 truckers blocked important highways (autostrade) for a week, making food deliveries to supermarkets difficult, while the nation's president and prime minister stood by inactively and unresponsively.

The only way to describe the situation is to say, by way of observation, that when it comes to popular discontent --based on real or imaginary problems-- Italy is essentially a lawless land where anything goes. Too many Italians are undisciplined and the protests and strikes rarely solve anything. Some are rooted in the ridiculous.

The recent (October 2008) student protests are a case in point. University fees in Italy average around 400 euros (300 US dollars) per year, with books costing around fifty euros per course. Inexpensive as this is, the students complained about proposed increases, as well as staff cutbacks and the introduction of a more rigid admissions policy (as opposed to the present "open" admissions). Because the typical student at the University of Palermo is "fuori corso," taking seven or eight years to complete a three or four year degree programme, he or she must pay the fees for each year of enrollment. That's the real problem: paying for seven years when the student should be paying for three or four (five in the medical schools). These are young adults who live with parents until the age of 30 or 40 without seeking even part-time employment.

Granted, student life in Sicily leaves much to be desired, but the protests achieve nothing. It's almost impossible to fire incompetent faculty and staff, so little will have changed following the protests and sit-ins.

In the workplace, relations between management and employees remain adversarial after decades of democracy in Italy. In the public sector employees have protested recent measures against "fannuloni," the "do-nothings" who routinely fail to show up at their places of employment three or four days each month.

What gives Italians the right to close off public streets whenever they wish? In theory, the province's police prefect exercises discretion over who is permitted to protest in this way. In practice, such permission is rarely denied. In principle, these rights are protected by the leftish Italian constitution ratified in 1948 as a reaction to almost a quarter-century of Fascism following Italy's existence as a monarchical police state for at least six decades before that. Still, one wonders if things might not have become too permissive.

The economy of Italy, and particularly Sicily, is in terrible shape. The protests and strikes only make matters worse. - Manlio Lima 2008
  
Vejer de la Frontera
Facebook protest fights to save virgin Spanish beach
December 18, 2009

A MASS protest has been called to oppose the passing of a plan that would see one of Andalucia's last virgin beaches destroyed. The demonstration on Monday (December 21) will coincide with a crucial vote at Vejer de la Frontera town hall which is likely to pass the plans for two luxury hotels at El Palmar.

Hand in hand with an internet campaign, which already has over 20,000 signatures, the protest will oppose the plan to build the 700-unit ‘macroproject’ right beside the beach. Using social networking site Facebook, and a viral email campaign, the protesters hope to force the authorities to rethink the scheme.

Andalucia flag


Deemed “entirely unsustainable” and a “major destruction of one of Andalucia’s last virgin beaches”, it is perhaps surprising that both the PSOE and PP parties have united to push through the scheme.

Claiming it is necessary to create 300 jobs for the region, the development by Chival Promociones envisages the three and four star hotels opening by 2012. Its owner Juan Munoz has already invested money in a number of other developments in the area in Rota, Sotogrande and Jerez.

While a large part of the area has been protected thanks to the IU party that runs neighbouring Conil town hall, the Vejer part of the beach area is open for development.Curiously the project, that is being backed by Cajasol bank, was apparently shelved earlier this year when the company Riera Marsa pulled out of an agreement.

The beach, which is enjoyed by thousands of nature lovers for its laid back vibe and undeveloped status, is one of the last few developed in Cadiz province. Lola Yllescas, of green group Ecologistas en Accion, said: “This will destroy one of the last undeveloped nature spots in Andalucia. It is a disgrace.”
  
The Wave climate change march through the streets of Glasgow yesterday

8000 marchers unite in Scotland’s biggest ever climate change protest
December 6, 2009

It was not about a protest of Scotland's separation, but an expression of Scottish identity.

Warning of the 'ecological holocaust' facing Earth
They came in their thousands, from every walk of life, from every faith and from every sector of Scottish society. And they came because they were worried about planet Earth.

An estimated 8000 people marched through Glasgow yesterday in by far the biggest climate change protest Scotland has ever seen. A further 20,000 took to the streets of London to demand action to cut the pollution that is warming the globe, on the eve of the crucial world summit in Copenhagen.

Political and religious leaders, trades unions, students, church groups, community organisations and environmentalists came together in an unprecedented coalition to demand “climate justice” for the world’s poor, who are already suffering due to changing weather patterns.

One group who were notable by their absence were the Scottish Government’s Nationalists, most of whom were attending the party’s council in Perth. The SNP leader, Alex Salmond, had earlier turned down an invitation to address the protest.

Scottish flag


The two-hour march, dubbed “The Wave”, was organised by the Stop Climate Chaos coalition in Scotland, which brings together 60 organisations.

"We have to let our leaders know that we expect more of them,” the group’s chair, Mike Robinson, told protesters.
The promises to reduce pollution made by the US and the European Union “just don’t cut it,” he said. “We in the EU and US are most to blame. If we commit then others will follow.”

He was speaking at a rally in Kelvingrove Park, where protesters of all ages gathered after walking from Bellahouston Park, near Ibrox. They were accompanied by a pipe band, legions of drummers, people painted as tigers on stilts and even a Santa on a bike.

The Roman Catholic Archbishop of St Andrews and Edinburgh, Cardinal Keith O’Brien told the crowd that 262 million people worldwide were affected by climate-related disasters between 2000 and 2004.

"Our society seems to have become immune to what is urgent,” he said.

"When banks go bust governments seem able to mobilise extraordinary energy and efforts, as well as unconscionably large sums of money to bail them out. This response stands in stark contrast to the ponderous efforts to address poverty and climate change.”

Selina Shelley, an Oxfam campaigner from Bangladesh, talked about how people in her country were struggling to cope with climate change.

"Floods, natural disasters and severe weather events are robbing families of their children and taking homes, jobs, food and water,” she said.

Kathy Galloway, the head of Christian Aid Scotland, said the world’s poor were suffering the most because of climate change.
"They are the people who have done the least to cause it and have the least resources to do anything about it,” she said.

"The fabric and future of life itself is facing an ecological holocaust which threatens life on Earth. In the last 25 years alone, the human species has destroyed one-third of its non-renewable resources.”

Towards the back of the assembled masses, Carole O’Donnell from Milngavie stood quietly with her extended family of eight, including her children and three grandchildren.

"We are here because we care about the planet,” she said. “We have brought three generations here to say to leaders that they must act.”
  
Neighbours of the Faculty of Humanities and Social Sciences hang out banners of support to protesting students in Split, Croatia. – April 27, 2009

Split: Students, Thank You For Waking Up!
April 27, 2009

It was the first step towards recognition of historical identity of Dalmatia.

SPLIT, - Even though it was Sunday, Split’s students are at the Faculty of Humanities and Social Sciences. The alternative lectures that were planned took place according to schedule. It was interesting to ask certain individuals about what sort of lectures were taking place.

We found out that the lectures were mainly linked to student life in general, and life issues. For example, one of the topics yesterday was “Schooling according to the Bologna process”. The professors from the faculty held some lectures, and some students also proposed some topics and discussed them.

The tenants of Radovanova Street, where Split’s Faculty of Humanities and Social Sciences is located, are obviously proud of their students, and hung out banners themselves with the slogans:

"Students, you are our hope, not the cabinet” and “thank you for waking up”.

Dalmatian flag and arms


Students will sleep at the faculty again

We asked one of the neighbours that lives right next to the faculty, how they came up with the idea?

"It was one, I can say, spontaneous idea by us neighbours from the nearby few entrances. We are mainly older people, and many of us did not send our children to study because we did not have the means. If they manage to cancel school fees for this generation, we hope that at least our grandchildren will be able to achieve some life wishes” said Antonio, who wishes to remain anonymous in solidarity with the students.

The students slept in the faculty building. According to the codex that the students themselves accepted, alcoholic drinks and smoking are not allowed in the building, and we find out that they are strictly keeping to the codex.

So the parents have nothing to worry about, their children are at the right place, they are not drinking or smoking, and they are fighting for something that many generations have dreamed about.
  
Protest against Vicenza US Military Base expansion resume
April 20, 2007
It was an expression of Venetian identity.

A row over the expansion of an American military base in Vicenza has flared up again, with protesters occupying the northern city's most important monument. Some 30 demonstrators have been inside Vicenza's Basilica since Wednesday evening.

They say they will remain there until Thursday evening, when fellow demonstrators are planning a march through the city centre. The Basilica is one of Renaissance architect Andrea Palladio's masterpieces.

"This is a symbolic occupation in defence of Vicenza. The future of our citizens and our city, with its unique works of art, is at stake," one of the protesters told reporters.

They complained that a media silence had fallen on the issue since February, when more than 70,000 people took part in a protest march in the city against the base's expansion.

Premier Romano Prodi announced in January that he would not object to US plans to expand the city's military base, arguing that it was diplomatically impossible to go back on the informal consent given to Washington by the previous, Silvio Berlusconi-led government.

Venetian flag and coat of arms


The decision sparked immediate protests by residents who fear that the enlargement will strain the city and its resources. The old Vicenza base houses some 2,750 troops.

The expansion project involves building barracks at the Dal Molin airport on the other side of the city to accommodate 2,100 more US soldiers who are currently stationed in Germany.

Washington's aim is to unite its 173rd Airborne Brigade, which is divided at the moment between Vicenza and two bases in Germany.

But residents are concerned about the impact on a city which boasts a host of buildings and villas by Palladio, who settled in Vicenza and practically rebuilt the city in his classicising style. For this reason, Vicenza is on UNESCO's list of World Heritage Sites.

Surveys show that some 70% of Vicenza's 115,000 residents are against expanding the base.

The Vicenza council has thrown out proposals to hold a referendum on the base's fate even though local polls have shown that 84% of locals would like to have a say on the issue. The demonstrators warned on Thursday that the Basilica occupation was just the start of a fresh wave of protests against the base's enlargement.

Mayor Enrico Hullweck, who is firmly in favour of the base's expansion, has written to Prodi and Interior Minister Giuliano Amato asking for police reinforcements to deal with the growing protests.

The base project has also created divisions in the centre-left, nine-party governing coalition. Three of Prodi's allies, the Communist Refoundation Party (PRC), the Italian Communists' Party (PDCI) and the Greens, have demanded that locals be given the chance to express their views via a referendum.

But Prodi says there can be no backpedalling on his decision. Many opponents of the enlargement plan are now looking to Washington, hoping that the scale of the protest will convince the US administration to modify its project.

US officials have already indicated the American government's willingness to revise building plans in order to minimise the impact on the city and its residents.
  
Mass in the cathedral of Aquileia
Friuli, the historical, spiritual, ecclesiastic and political legacy of Aquileia.

While standard Italian is the primary official language of the region, several other regional languages are spoken in Friuli. One of them is the indigenous Friulian, not only spoken but also written. It pertains to the Romance languages and is considered neo-Latin.

Friuli, German: Friaul, Slovene: Furlanija) is an area of northeastern Italy with its own particular cultural and historical identity. It comprises the major part of the autonomous region Friuli-Venezia Giulia, i.e. the province (administrative provinces) of Udine, Pordenone, Gorizia, leaving Trieste out. The historical capital and most important city of Friuli is Udine, also capital in the Middle Ages of the Patriarchate of Aquileia. Udine, other important centres are Pordenone, Gorizia, Sacile, Codroipo, Cervignano del Friuli, Cividale del Friuli, Gemona del Friuli, Monfalcone, Tolmezzo.

Starting from the 2nd century BC, Friuli was colonized by the Romans: Aquileia was the fourth city of Italy in Roman imperial times, capital of Regio X of Italia province (the Augustan region Venetia et Histria). The city was the most important river port on the Natissa river, dominating trade between the Adriatic Sea and northern Europe (carried on the Via Iulia Augusta).

Aquileia owed its importance to its strategic position on the Adriatic sea and proximity to the Alps, allowing Rome to intercept barbarian invasions from the East. Julius Caesar used to quarter his legions in Aquileia during winter. The development of other centres, such as Forum Iulii (Cividale del Friuli) and Iulium Carnicum (Zuglio), contributed to the increase of the economic and cultural wealth of Friuli until the first barbarian incursions, at the beginning of 5th century. In the final decades of the 3rd century, Aquileia became the centre of one of the most prestigious bishoprics of the empire, competing in Italy with Milan and, subsequently, Ravenna, for second place after Rome.

A Hunnic invasion marked the start of the Friuli's decline: Aquileia, protected by meagre forces, was forced to surrender and was razed to the ground by Attila in 452. After the retreat of the Huns, the survivors, who had found shelter in the lagoon of Grado, returned to the city, but found it completely destroyed. The reconstruction of Aquileia to bring back the old splendour of the capital of X Regio, was never completed. Nevertheless, the city remained important even after the fall of the Western Roman Empire's, due to the creation of the Patriarchate of Aquileia, which, from the mid-6th century onwards, ranked among the highest ecclesiastic authorities in Italy. The lack of security in the Friulian plain, crossroads of all the great barbarian invasions, drove many people to seek shelter on the islands of the lagoons or in fortified hill-villages, causing a generalized depopulation of the more fertile part of the region and its consequent impoverishment.

Flag and arms of Friuli


After the collapse of the Western Roman Empire, Friuli belonged to the kingdom of Odoacer and subsequently to that of Theodoric the Great. The Byzantine reconquest under Justinian I was, for the region, of brief duration: in 568 it was one of the first provinces conquered by the Lombards, invading from Pannonia. The Lombard king Alboin established the Duchy of Friuli, the first Lombard duchy, and granted it to his relative Gisulf I. The capital of the duchy was established at Forum Iulii (Cividale del Friuli), which became the most important city of the area and lent its name to it.

The duchy of Friuli was from the start one of the most important Lombard duchies. It served as a barrier against the threat of invasion by the Avars and Slavs from Pannonia. Among the duchies of the North, which were closely aligned with the crown (unlike Spoleto and Benevento to the South), it was the most powerful, probably due to its marcher status. Among later dukes, Ratchis became king in 744 and his ducal successor, Aistulf, succeeded him as king himself in 749. In this period the historian Paul the Deacon, author of the Historia Langobardorum and teacher of Latin grammar at the court of Charlemagne, was born in Friuli (730/5).

After the Regnum Italiae fell to the Franks, the duchy of Friuli was reorganised into counties according to the Frankish model. The region was again reorganised into the March of Friuli in 846. The march was granted to the Unruoching dynasty. Friuli became the base of power of Berengar I during his struggles for the throne of Italy between 888 and 924. The march was transformed under his rule, its territory extended to the Lake Garda, the capital moved to Verona, and a new March of Verona and Aquileia established in its place.

On 3 April 1077, the Emperor Henry IV granted the county of Friuli, with ducal status, to Sigaerd, Patriarch of Aquileia. In the succeeding centuries, the patriarchate expanded its control over neighbouring Trieste, Istria, Carinthia, Styria, and Cadore. The patriarchal state of Friuli was one of the best organised polities of the Italian Middle Ages. From the 12th century it possessed a parliament representing the communes as well as the nobility and the clergy. The life of this institution extended over six centuries, remaining alive yet weak even during Venetian domination. It convened for the last time in 1805, when it was abolished by Napoleon Bonaparte. The Patriarch Marquardo of Randeck (1365?1381) had gathered together and codified all the laws of Friuli and promulgated them as the Constitutiones Patriae Foriiulii ("Constitutions of the Country of Friuli"). Cividale del Friuli was seat of the Patriarchate until 1238, when the patriarch moved his seat to Udine, where he had a magnificent episcopal edifice constructed. Udine assumed so great an importance that it became with time the institutional capital of Friuli.

The experience with the Patriarchy ended in 1420, when Friuli was attached to the Venetian Republic, at that time one of the great powers, with a territory in full expansion. Friuli, used often as a buffer zone against Turkish expansion, was repeatedly devastated by a long series of wars for its possession between Venice and the House of Habsburg. These wars led to the poverty and instability of the rural population, with the impossibility to cultivate the land crossed by fighting armies and with the forced requisition of all livestock to feed the troops. The lumber needed to build Venetian ships caused complete deforestation of the Bassa Friulana and central Friuli. Venice took possession of collective farms belonging to rural Friulian communities seriously impoverishing them. These properties would then be sold by Venice during the 17th century to raise cash to overcome the poor financial condition.

Beginning in the 1630's the Venetian Republic entered a process of irreversible decadence because of the loss of many of its traditional markets, the misdirection of financial resources into unproductive investments (above all in real estate), and the loss of competitiveness of its industries and its services. Friuli was subject to increasingly oppressive fiscal pressures and its industries and commercial activity went into complete crisis.

In 1815, the Congress of Vienna enacted the definitive union of Veneto and Friuli with Austrian Lombardy, to constitute the Kingdom of Lombardy-Venetia. In 1838, the District of Portogruaro, for a long time Friulian in its history, culture, geography and language, was removed from the Province of the Friuli by Austrian wish and assigned to the Province of Venice. Today it is asking to return under the administration of the Friuli region. In 1866 central Friuli (today's province of Udine) and western Friuli (today's province of Pordenone) were joined Italy with Veneto after the Third Italian War of Independence, while eastern Friuli (the so-called County of Gorizia and Gradisca remained under Austria until the end of World War I.